Discussions on the history and historiography of Australia's New England

Showing posts with label climate. Show all posts
Showing posts with label climate. Show all posts

Monday, June 16, 2025

Arabian Peninsula Wet Periods - a note

 My last note discussed Marine isotype Stages (MIS). These provided a dated measurement of glacial (dry climate) and interglacial (wetter) periods over extended time periods. The most relevant time periods from our perspective are summarised below 

"MIS 4 – 71

MIS 5 – 130, usually sub-divided into a to e:

MIS 5a – 82 (peak of interglacial sub-stage)

MIS 5b – 87 (peak of glacial sub-stage)

MIS 5c – 96 (peak of interglacial sub-stage)

MIS 5d – 109 (peak of glacial sub-stage)

MIS 5e – 123 (peak of Last Interglacial, also known as the Eemian among other names)

MIS 6 – 191 (Penultimate Glacial Period, also called Illinoian glacial in North America, later Saalian in northern Europe and later Wolstonian in Britain)

MIS 7 – 243 (Aveley Interglacial in Britain)"

If the Aboriginal ancestors came out of Africa they would have had to travel through the Arabian Peninsula. But was that possible? The work of Abi Stone et al (2023) suggest that it was.

Abstract:

"Past environmental and climatic conditions within the Arabian Peninsula are key to understanding the setting for hominin dispersal across the Saharo-Arabian dryland belt. The tufa deposits within the volcanic harrats on the southwest coast of Saudi Arabia fill a significant spatial gap in the distribution of palaeoenvironmental records on the west coast of the Arabian Peninsula adjacent to the Red Sea. In the catchment of Wadi Dabsa in the Harrat Al Birk, there are widespread fossil palustrine to shallow-lacustrine tufa deposits with fluvial elements. Several phases of tufa accumulation, separated by fluvial downcutting, are observable within these powerful palaeoenvironmental proxies. U–Th dating of targeted dense, banded tufa facies, yield ages that are stratigraphically consistent at the landscape scale, and indicate that tufa accumulation occurred during distinct humid phases broadly coeval with the last two warm interglacial Marine Isotope Stages (MIS 7 and MIS 5). For the first time this shows humid intervals in southwest Arabia coincident with the southern coast. There is a similar pattern emerging further north in the Arabian Peninsula, The Sinai and Levant and further on into continental Europe. Furthermore, tufa δ18O ranges from −14.6 to −1.9‰, covering a range similar to those reported for tufa from north African oasis sites and speleothems elsewhere on the Arabian Peninsula and The Levant. The lowest δ18O values are derived from MIS 5e samples, a pattern in agreement with speleothems in Yemen and Oman, and consistent with an isotopic-enabled climate model simulation for this time slice. The δ13C and Sr isotopic compositions of dated tufa samples indicate deposition from shallow-circulating meteoric water, with no geothermal influence. This, along with the δ18O values, suggest a freshwater supply that was a potable water source in this landscape. The δ13C signatures at Wadi Dabsa are more negative than for parts of north Africa, suggesting Wadi Dabsa may have experienced comparatively higher biomass, thicker soils and wetter conditions with lower evaporative losses. This new record of tufa deposition during the middle and late Pleistocene, suggests for the first time that the west coast of Arabia experienced a similar history of humid phases over the past 250 ka as southern Arabia and the Nefud in the northern interior. These regional changes in hydroclimatic regime occur at timescales coincident with hominin dispersals." Abi Stone, Robyn H. Inglis, Ian Candy, Diana Sahy, Anne-Lise Jourdan, Dan N. Barfod, Abdullah M. Alsharekh, “Humid phases on the southwestern Arabian Peninsula are consistent with the last two interglacials”, Quaternary Science Reviews, Volume 319, 2023, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.quascirev.2023.108333 

Comment

The warmer wet periods suggested by the analysis do appear to fit with an out of Africa date of 72000 kya (MIS 5). An earlier date might also be possible to fit with MIS 7 should the present latest date for occupation within Sahul (c65,000 kya) be pushed back. 

 

Thursday, June 12, 2025

Marine Isotype Stages - a note

 DNA analysis suggests that the descendants of Australia's Aboriginal peoples left Africa perhaps 72,000 years ago. To reach Australia they would have travelled through the Arabian Peninsula. This is a desert area today, difficult to traverse. But was this always so? Were there periods when  the Peninsula was green in whole or part, when the Aboriginal ancestors might have passed? 

A clue here might be provided by Marine isotype stages (MIS). The material that follows is drawn from Wikipedia. 

What are Marine isotype stages?

Quoting:

"Marine isotope stages (MIS), marine oxygen-isotope stages, or oxygen isotope stages (OIS), are alternating warm and cool periods in the Earth's paleoclimate, deduced from oxygen isotope data derived from deep sea core samples. Working backwards from the present, which is MIS 1 in the scale, stages with even numbers have high levels of oxygen-18 and represent cold glacial periods, while the odd-numbered stages are lows in the oxygen-18 figures, representing warm interglacial intervals. The data are derived from pollen and foraminifera (plankton) remains in drilled marine sediment cores, sapropels, and other data that reflect historic climate; these are called proxies."

 The Stages


The following represents the dates etc of some of the stages most relevant to my topic.

Quoting

"The following are the start dates (apart from MIS 5 sub-stages) of the most recent MIS (Lisiecki & Raymo 2005, LR04 Benthic Stack). The figures, in thousands of years ago, are from Lisiecki's website.[13] Numbers for substages in MIS 5 denote peaks of substages rather than boundaries.

MIS     Start date
MIS 1 – 14 kya, end of the Younger Dryas marks the start of the Holocene. The LR04 date of 14 kya had to accommodate less well studied time intervals, and the generally accepted date of 11.7 kya is to be preferred.[14]
MIS 2 – 29 (Last Glacial Maximum)
MIS 3 – 57[a] (MIS 2-4 is called the Last Glacial Period, Wisconsinan glaciation in North America, Weichselian glaciation in northern Europe)
MIS 4 – 71
MIS 5 – 130, usually sub-divided into a to e:
MIS 5a – 82 (peak of interglacial sub-stage)
MIS 5b – 87 (peak of glacial sub-stage)
MIS 5c – 96 (peak of interglacial sub-stage)
MIS 5d – 109 (peak of glacial sub-stage)
MIS 5e – 123 (peak of Last Interglacial, also known as the Eemian among other names)
MIS 6 – 191 (Penultimate Glacial Period, also called Illinoian glacial in North America, later Saalian in northern Europe and later Wolstonian in Britain)
MIS 7 – 243 (Aveley Interglacial in Britain)
MIS 8 – 300 (early Wolstonian in Britain)
MIS 9 – 337 (Purfleet Interglacial in Britain)[16]
MIS 10 – 374
MIS 11 – 424 (Hoxnian Interglacial in Britain, and Holstein Interglacial in Central Europe)"

Comment

If you look at the stages you will see that MIS 4 and 5 are the most relevant to our story. In my next note I will move from the broad stages to look at some of the research relating to the Arabian peninsula to check when the Aboriginal ancestors might have been able to come. 

Tuesday, May 08, 2018

Climate deteriorations and Neanderthal demise in interior Iberia - a note

Interesting paper by Wolf, Kolb et al on the impact of climate change and Neanderthal demise in interior Iberior. The abstract reads:
Time and circumstances for the disappearance of Neanderthals and its relationship with the advent of Modern Humans are not yet sufficiently resolved, especially in case of the Iberian Peninsula. Reconstructing palaeoenvironmental conditions during the last glacial period is crucial to clarifying whether climate deteriorations or competition and contacts with Modern Humans played the pivotal role in driving Neanderthals to extinction. A high-resolution loess record from the Upper Tagus Basin in central Spain demonstrates that the Neanderthal abandonment of inner Iberian territories 42 kyr ago coincided with the evolvement of hostile environmental conditions, while archaeological evidence testifies that this desertion took place regardless of modern humans’ activities. According to stratigraphic findings and stable isotope analyses, this period corresponded to the driest environmental conditions of the last glacial apart from an even drier period linked to Heinrich Stadial 3. Our results show that during Marine Isotope Stages (MIS) 4 and 2 climate deteriorations in interior Iberia temporally coincided with northern hemisphere cold periods (Heinrich stadials). Solely during the middle MIS 3, in a period surrounding 42 kyr ago, this relation seems not straightforward, which may demonstrate the complexity of terrestrial climate conditions during glacial periods. 
D. Wolf, T. Kolb, M. Alcaraz-Castaño, S. Heinrich, P. Baumgart, R. Calvo, J. Sánchez, K. Ryborz, I. Schäfer, M. Bliedtner, R. Zech, L. Zöller & D. Faust, "Climate deteriorations and Neanderthal demise in interior Iberia", Scientific Reports,volume 8, Article number: 7048 (2018) doi:10.1038/s41598-018-25343-6 Received: 20 September 2017, Accepted 17 April 2018, Published 04 May 2018
Discussion

One of the issues we have discussed here that also came up in discussion during my recent Armidale seminar paper is the need to properly understand local variations in climatic conditions during the Pleistocene and Holocene if we are to understand the Aboriginal history of New England.

This paper makes the same point in a different context. The abstract is fairly dry (the full paper is on-line: link above), but a key point from the paper can be summarised this way: interior Iberia (modern Spain) became very dry and inhospitable with reduced vegetation at particular periods. One period coincided with Neanderthal occupation. It seems that the Neanderthals were not wiped out,  but may have retreated to coastal refuge areas where conditions were more benign. .

During glacial periods, the climate became drier as well as colder because so much water was tied up in ice. However, there were considerable variations at local level. For example, research results from the Little Llangothlin lagoon on the high New England suggest local variations during the Late Glacial Maximum that do not quite fit with the conventional analysis.

I now have a mass of new reading to do and to report on!

Monday, January 22, 2018

Implications for New England of the latest analysis on the impact of sea level change on Aboriginal Australia - a note

Regular commenter JohnB pointed me to a new paper on historic sea level changes in Australia:  Alan N. Williams, Sean Ulm, Tom Sapienzab, Stephen Lewis and Chris S.M. Turneya, Sea-level change and demography during the last glacial termination and early Holocene across the Australian continent, Quaternary Science Reviews Volume 182, 15 February 2018, Pages 144–154, published on line 12 January 2018.

This third note on understanding the impact of sea level change in Aboriginal New England takes this paper as an entry point for a broader discussion focused on the impact of sea level and associated climatic changes on New England Aboriginal life.

Please note that I have not been able to access the full paper at this point for cost reasons. That will have to wait until I can find a library that will give me access. This is an especial problem for their population modelling.

The Williams et al Paper


Map of Australia by Sean Ulm showing sea-level change and archaeological sites for selected periods between 35,000 and 8,000 years ago. PMSL=Present Mean Sea Level. Note the apparently small shifts in Northern NSW relative to some other areas. . 

The on-line abstract of the paper summarises some of the paper in this way:
  • Investigation of scale, pace and human impacts of post-glacial sea-level change.
  • Presents continental-scale consensus sea-level curve for Sahul between 35-8 ka.
  • Demonstrates some 2.12 million km2 (∼21.6%) of land lost, notably during MWP-1a.
  • Coastlines changed on average by 139 km, and at a rate of up to ∼23.7 m per year.
  • Populations low, but likely severely disrupted, and led to new configurations.
The abstract of the paper reads:
"Future changes in sea-level are projected to have significant environmental and social impacts, but we have limited understanding of comparable rates of change in the past. Using comprehensive palaeoenvironmental and archaeological datasets, we report the first quantitative model of the timing, spatial extent and pace of sea-level change in the Sahul region between 35-8 ka, and explore its effects on hunter-gatherer populations. Results show that the continental landmass (excluding New Guinea) increased to 9.80 million km2 during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), before a reduction of 2.12 million km2 (or ∼21.6%) to the early Holocene (8 ka). Almost 90% of this inundation occurs during and immediately following Meltwater Pulse (MWP) 1a between 14.6 and 8 ka. The location of coastlines changed on average by 139 km between the LGM and early Holocene, with some areas >300 km, and at a rate of up to 23.7 m per year (∼0.6 km land lost every 25-year generation). Spatially, inundation was highly variable, with greatest impacts across the northern half of Australia, while large parts of the east, south and west coastal margins were relatively unaffected. Hunter-gatherer populations remained low throughout (<30,000), but following MWP1a, increasing archaeological use of the landscape, comparable to a four-fold increase in populations, and indicative of large-scale migration away from inundated regions (notably the Bass Strait) are evident. Increasing population density resulting from MWP1a (from 1/655 km2 to 1/71 km2) may be implicated in the development of large and complex societies later in the Holocene. Our data support the hypothesis that late Pleistocene coastal populations were low, with use of coastal resources embedded in broad-ranging foraging strategies, and which would have been severely disrupted in some regions and at some time periods by sea-level change outpacing tolerances of mangals and other near-shore ecological communities" .
The authors provided a summary of the  paper in The Conversation, "Australia’s coastal living is at risk from sea level rise, but it’s happened before",  January 16 2018. The map is from this paper.

Some of their key points can be summarised this way:
  • The potential impacts of these past sea-level changes on Aboriginal populations and societies have long been a subject of speculation by archaeologists and historians.
  • Archaeologists have long recognised that Aboriginal people would have occupied the now-drowned continental shelves surrounding Australia, but opinions have been divided about the nature of occupation and the significance of sea-level rise. Most have suggested that the ancient coasts were little-used or underpopulated in the past.
  • Our data show that Aboriginal populations were severely disrupted by sea-level change in many areas. Perhaps surprisingly the initial decrease in sea level prior to the peak of the last ice age resulted in people largely abandoning the coastline, and heading inland, with a number of archaeological sites within the interior becoming established at this time.
  • With the onset of the massive inundation after the end of the last ice age people evacuated the coasts causing markedly increased population densities across Australia (from around 1 person for every 355 square km 20,000 years ago, to 1 person every 147 square km 10,000 years ago).
  • We argue that this squeezing of people into a landmass 22% smaller – into inland areas that were already occupied – required people to adopt new social, settlement and subsistence strategies. This may have been an important element in the development of the complex geographical and religious landscape that European explorers observed in the 18th and 19th centuries.
  • Following the stabilisation of the sea level after 8,000 years ago, we start to see the onset of intensive technological investment and manipulation of the landscape (such as fish traps and landscape burning)
  • We also see the formation of territories (evident by marking of place through rock art) that continues to propagate up until the present time. All signs of more people trying to survive in less space.
But what is the evidence for New England?

Shape of the Continental Shelf

The effect of sea level change varies depending on the size of sea level shifts, shifts in land height as the land adjusts to things such as increased or reduced ice weight and the configuration of the land itself.

In my first note on the impact of sea level changes, I mentioned that I had only just found a 2010 paper: Alan Jordan, Peter Davies, Tim Ingleton, Edwina Foulsham, Joe Neilson and Tim Pritchard,  Seabed habitat mapping of the continental shelf of NSW, Department of Environment, Climate Change and Water NSW, Sydney 2010. This focuses on the current seabed habitat along the NSW, but it contains some of the best local descriptions that I have seen of the shape of the continental shelf itself in Northern NSW.

I am still working my way through this paper, but I would summarise some of the conclusions in this way. In considering them, remember that we are dealing with variations in sea levels over my study period from perhaps 50-60m below current levels to 120-130m below to perhaps 2m above and then a fall back to current levels. In combination with associated climatic changes, this would have had significant habitat changes for local Aboriginal populations as land was revealed and then submerged.

It will be clear from the Sean Ulm map reproduced above, that the effects of sea level changes along the NSW coast were smaller than in other parts of Sahul, but that doesn’t really provide much local information.
To further out thinking here, the overall width of the continental shelf is defined as the distance to the shelf break. From this point, the seabed falls away quickly. The shelf break occurs at varying heights, leading to variations in depth below current sea levels. The continental shelf slopes down from the current shoreline at varying angles. Higher land on the shelf may appear as reefs or islands.

The NSW study shows considerable regional variations in the depth of the shelf break and the certainty with which it can be defined. The shelf break between Cape Howe in the far south of NSW to Forster on the Mid North Coast varied predominantly between depths of 130–170m and gradually decreased in areas further north to depths of approximately 80–110m off the Northern Rivers.

During the LGM, sea levels dropped to 120-130m below current levels. In Southern New England up to Forster, the shelf break with its sharp decline in height would have remained largely below sea level, although it might have been quite close to the shore. Further north, the shelf break would have been marked by a line of cliffs or at least precipitous decline 15-50m above then sea level.

The study did not report on the 130m contour, focusing instead on the 200m contour deep zone. The distance to the outer edge of the 200-metre contour deep zone revealed the smallest zone widths of 13.4 kilometres and 13.9 kilometres were off Hat Head and Sawtell respectively. The broadest areas occurred off the Stockton Bight with a zone width of up to 46.7 kilometres.

The authors also looked at the extent of the intermediate-depth zone, 25–60m. This is significant because 60m below current is around the sea level when the Aborigines spread across Sahul. This ranged from 1.5 kilometres off Botany Bay, 1.6 kilometres off Shellharbour to 17.5 kilometres just north of Yamba.
The majority of wide (greater than 8 kilometres) intermediate-depth areas were located north of Hat Head, reflecting the overall shallower slope of the shelf in that region. The small number of wide intermediate areas south of Port Jackson mostly reflected the presence of shallow embayments and/or offshore reefs.

Some information was also provided on the shallow-depth zone boundary defined as 25m This was universally narrow along the NSW coast, varying between 0.3 kilometres off Sydney Harbour and Botany Bay to 3.5 kilometres off the Shoalhaven Bight south of Nowra. The width of the immediate-depth zones was more variable than the shallow-depth zones: 70 per cent of the widths of shallow-depth zones were between 0.8 and 1.8 kilometres whereas 70 per cent of widths for intermediate-depth zones were between 5 and 15 kilometres.

In considering this information, we need to remember that the coastal land as we know it today did not exist in the past, but has been formed in part by a constant battle between land and sea, the rivers and creeks depositing silt, the sea eroding the shore. Accepting this and very roughly :
·         We have a fall in height of 25m in the first 0.3-3.5 kilometres.
·         Followed by a further fall of up to 35m in the next 3.5-16 kilometres
·         With a further fall of 60-60m in the remaining distance to the LGM sea line.

If we take the period to the LGM, the additional land at then sea levels was most extensive in the Northern Rivers, narrowed south of Nambucca Heads before widening again. The delta-estuarine-lake formations that we know today and which were such rich environment in Aboriginal times did not exist. Lacking the accumulated sand and silt, land levels along much of the existing coastline would have been lower. The path of the rivers and streams would have been different, less meandering. They are likely to have been faster flowing given the slope of the continental shelf. The pre-LGM coastline was established for a considerable period. I do not know to what extent the rivers were able to create estuarine conditions, given the geography that I have described.

The land areas revealed by the LGM drops in sea levels were greatest in the north and south broken by the strip in the middle where the continental shelf is particularly narrow. With steeper slopes and colder temperatures it seems likely if not certain that the land, as suggested by Sandra Bowdler, became relatively inhospitable.[1] I say likely but not certain because of the degree of local variation, the possibility of micro-environments.

With the arrival of the warm Holocene, the seas rushed back, penetrating deep inland in some spots. You can get a feel for this is you remove all the present sand dunes, all the now accumulated silt and sand in the estuaries and flood plains, with a water level 1-2m higher than present sea levels. Now the streams and rivers carrying higher water volumes in the wetter climate began to push back against the seas, progressively creating the coastline we know today.

Archaeological Dates

We do not know when the Aborigines first settled the area that would later be called Northern NSW, the broader New England.

We know from dating at Warren Cave in Tasmania that the Aborigines had reached Tasmania around 35,000 years ago [2]while dates from Willandra Lakes in South West New South Wales suggest occupation as early as 40 to 41,000 years ago, perhaps even later[3]. The dates we have for New England are more recent.

The Cuddie Springs site near Brewarrina suggests occupation as long ago as 35,000 years BP.[4] However, dates here have been subject to considerable dispute and there presently appears to be no agreement on the issue.[5] Excluding Cuddie Springs, we have a date of greater than 20,200 years BP from a hearth at Glennies Creek 35 kilometres north of Branxton in the Hunter, while a site on a former terrace of Wollombi Brook near Singleton suggested a date range of 18,000-30,000 years BP. At Moffats Swamp near Raymond Terrace, a date of 17,000 years BP was obtained. On the Liverpool Plains, Aboriginal occupation has been dated to at least 19,000 years BP[6]. Further north in South-East Queensland, the Wallen Wallen Creek site shows continuous occupation from about 20,000 years ago.[7]

I note that there are some problems with these dates that I have not yet resolved. However, for present purposes it is the broad pattern that I am interested in.

Note, first, that the dates are late Pleistocene dates from the LGM period. However, there are no coastal zone dates from the Hunter to Wallen Wallen Creek. The entire Tablelands and much of the coast is presently an archaeological blank.

Wallen Wallen Creek lies on North Stradbroke Island, then part of the mainland some distance from the coast. The suggestion is that it was a transit camp for people moving to the coast. Something of the same may be true for Moffats Swamp which lies not far from the present coastline but would then have been some distance from the sea.  

The two other Hunter sites are further inland and could have been refuge areas with access to water and game. Richard Wright suggests that the Liverpool Plains was a relatively fertile area even during the harsh climatic conditions of the LGM, although he notes that there were periods when the climate did deteriorate significantly.[8]

Dates then seem to vanish. Then we have a first date of 9,320+/-160 from Stuart’s Point in the Macleay Valley as the coastal zone begins to stabilise.[9]. From around 4,000 years ago a rush of dates begins. Intensification had begun.

Discussion

Recognising that the continental shelf in New England is far narrower and therefore the scale effects of sea level change are less, my preliminary analysis does seem broadly supportive of the new paper, recognising that I have only read the summary. However, I do have some questions in my mind.:
To begin with, I am reluctant to accept that there were no Aboriginal people on the humid coastal strip between the Hunter and Southern Queensland. I think that we need a lot more micro or local level information on the changing environment including sea levels.

Then we have the language patterns. As best I understand it, the differences between the northern and southern coastal languages could support re-occupation from north and south. But then we have the problem of the length of time required for the languages to differentiate into the pattern that existed at the time of European occupation. I don’t have an answer for this.



[1] Sandra Bowdler, “The empty coast: Conditions for human occupation in southeast Australia during the late Pleistocene”. In O'Connor S, editor, Altered ecologies: fire, climate and human influence on terrestrial landscapes. Vol. Terra Australis; 32. http://epress.anu.edu.au: ANU E Press. 2010. p. 177-186.
[2] John Mulvaney & Johan Kamminga, Prehistory of Australia, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, 1999. P186.
[3] Munvaney & Kamminga, op cit, p197. There is debate about the Wilandra Lakes dates, with some arguing for older dates. Josephine Flood, Archaeology of the Dreamtime, J.B. Publishing, Marleston, revised edition, 2004, p1.
[4] Josephine Flood, Archaeology of the Dreamtime, p189.
[5] The Wikipedia article, Cuddie Springs, provides an interesting discussion on this issue. Accessed 15 April 2009.
[6] Dates drawn from Dominic Steele Consulting Archaeology, Preliminary Aboriginal Archaeological Survey & Assessment,  Proposed Upgrade of State Highway SH23, Shortland to Sandgate New South Wales, December 2005, p17
[7] Ian Walters, Antiquity of Marine Fishing in South-East Queensland, QAR, Vol 9, 1992, pp35-39. P35. Accessed on line 4 April 2009.
[8] Richard Wright, The Future of Australia's Prehistoric Past, Arts: The Journal of the Sydney University Arts Association, Vol 12 (1984). pp 22-34
[9] Graham Knuckey, A shell midden at Clybucca, near Kempsey, New South Wales, Journal, Australian Archaeology Volume 48, 1999 - Issue 1, pp1-11

Saturday, August 11, 2012

1258 volcanic eruption triggers global disaster

Fascinating piece in the Guardian on Facebook: "Mass grave in London reveals how volcano caused global catastrophe". The story begins:

Scientists search for the explosive source of a disaster that wiped out almost a third of Londoners in 1258

When archaeologists discovered thousands of medieval skeletons in a mass burial pit in east London in the 1990s, they assumed they were 14th-century victims of the Black Death or the Great Famine of 1315-17. Now they have been astonished by a more explosive explanation – a cataclysmic volcano that had erupted a century earlier, thousands of miles away in the tropics, and wrought havoc on medieval Britons.

The photo shows the huge excavation carried out by the team from the Museum of London Archaeology.

It's an interesting story, for it was the radio carbon dating of the bones to around 1250 that showed that the deaths could not have been caused by either the black death or the great famine of 1315-17. Another explanation had to be found.   

Writing in 1258, a monk reported:

"The north wind prevailed for several months… scarcely a small rare flower or shooting germ appeared, whence the hope of harvest was uncertain... Innumerable multitudes of poor people died, and their bodies were found lying all about swollen from want… Nor did those who had homes dare to harbour the sick and dying, for fear of infection… The pestilence was immense – insufferable; it attacked the poor particularly. In London alone 15,000 of the poor perished; in England and elsewhere thousands died."

It appears from further investigation including geological data from across the globe that this human catastrophe was cause by a huge volcanic eruption somewhere in the tropics up to eight times larger than that at Krakatoa (1883).  Now Krakatoa was a pretty big bang. I find it hard to imagine something up to eight times as large!

According to Volcanologist Bill McGuire:

"This was the biggest eruption in historic times. It may have brought the temperatures down by 4°c, a huge amount. Because it was somewhere in the tropics it meant that the winds of both hemispheres were able to carry these gases right across the planet. If you have a volcanic eruption at high latitudes, then the gases will stay in the northern hemisphere. But if you have an equatorial or tropical eruption that's big enough, then the sulphur gases can spread into both hemispheres and really encircle the whole planet in a sulphurous veil."

The reference to the global impact caught my eye, for this means that it would have affected Australia's Aboriginal peoples, including those living in New England. Intuitively, the relative impact wouldn't have been as great because of lower population densities. Still, it's interesting in the context of some of the thinking I have been doing about the patterns of Aboriginal life.